By Milimo Moyo
Like many people, I remember September 11, 2001 as clearly as though it were yesterday. I lived in Lusaka, Zambia at the time. On that fateful day, I had gone to the US Embassy in Zambia to obtain a VISA to travel to the USA for a conference on the International Criminal Court at the United Nations building in New York City. After my visa was approved, I left the Embassy and went back to my office. Shortly thereafter, some of my co-workers and I gathered around the office TV and watched in shock as news of the Twin Towers being attacked streamed on the screen. I will never forget the intense feeling of absolute sadness, horror and outrage that welled up inside me that day. I still cannot understand what drove the perpetrators to commit such a heinous act on innocent and defenseless people. There is no justification for any crime let alone the atrocious murder of innocent people.
We have all been impacted by 9/11 not just in America but all over the world. I have always felt that my life became intertwined with New York on September 11, 2001 when my travel visa was granted. I travelled to New York about two weeks after the 9/11 attacks; I fell in love with the city, its diversity, its strength and everything about it. I now live in New York and work close to ground zero; I have seen the construction as the area is being rebuilt - further proof of the strength and resilience of the American people. Today, on September 11, 2011 – ten years after the attacks – I join the rest of America and the world in remembering those who died on that day. I also pray that God will continue to watch over their families and loved ones. Lastly, I pray that the rest of us never ever forget the lives that were lost that day.
Sunday, September 11, 2011
Friday, August 7, 2009
DAMBISA MOYO CAPTURES OPRAH’S ATTENTION
By Milimo Moyo
Zambian economist and best-selling author, Dambisa Moyo, has been hailed as a powerful woman by Oprah Winfrey. Moyo is featured in the September 2009 issue of Oprah’s O Magazine as one of the most powerful women of this generation. The magazine recognized Moyo for her hugely successful book, Dead Aid, which courageously condemns string-laded government to government aid. In the book, Moyo argues that such systematic aid has perpetrated Africa’s poverty and prevented the continent from reaching its full potential.
“If you question aid to Africa, as I did, you’re quickly labeled racist or insensitive or extremist,” Dambisa tells O Magazine. “People use inflammatory language; they say your arguments are foolish, stupid or cruel. But if you ask, Would you prefer we live in the status quo?, you get a silence”.
O Magazine also quotes Moyo as saying that real power came from making everyone feel as feel that “they’re on the same page”.
With “Power” as its main theme for the September issue, O Magazine spotlighted 20 women who possess inner power and shared it with the world through their work. In the magazine’s foreword, Oprah defined the criteria used to select the impressive aptly termed O Power List: “What I find powerful is a person with grace, with courage, with confidence to be her own self and to make things happen”, she writes.
Other powerful women featured on the O Power List are tennis champion Venus Williams, renowned political analyst Donna Brazile, Chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Sheila Bair and former CEO of Xerox Anne Mulcahy, among others.
Dambisa crosses another milestone becoming the first Zambian author to be prominently featured in O Magazine.
*The writer of this article is not related to Dambisa Moyo
Sunday, July 19, 2009
Celebrating Nelson Mandela...and Chansa Kambwela
Last night I had the honor of attending the Nelson Mandela birthday concert at Radio City Music Hall in New York City. Dubbed “Mandela Day”, the concert was headlined by some of the world’s biggest stars including Wyclef Jean, Alicia Keys, Queen Latifah and Stevie Wonder who all led the audience in celebrating Mandela’s 91st birthday. There was no shortage of standing ovations last night. The music left no doubt that Mandela is a true hero but as I sat in the audience, I could not help but remember another hero. A heroine in fact. Her name is Chansa Kabwela, a news editor for Zambia’s biggest selling newspaper, The Post. Last week, Kabwela was arrested by police for circulating pictures of a woman in childbirth to some government officials and women’s groups. She circulated the pictures in order to highlight the country’s health crisis; the woman in the pictures had given birth without proper care after being turned away by clinics and the nation’s hospital. In a baffling move, the government of Zambia accused Kabwela of circulating “pornography” and had her arrested on charges of distributing “obscene materials”. The government is well aware that such arrests only serve to intimidate the press. This is even more apparent given the tumultuous relationship between The Post and the current Zambian government. It is a pity that the government is resorting to draconian measures to suppress press freedom. Thomas Jefferson once said “...freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but by a despotic government”. Is that what Zambia has? A despotic government? I will leave that to my readers to answer. What I do know for sure is that Chansa kabwela deserves encouragement and support for her courageous actions. She did what Nelson Mandela did in the 1960's and onwards. She stood up for those that are vulnerable and she highlighted a matter of great social injustice. For that, it’s hats off to Chansa – and to Nelson Mandela. They are both true African heroes deserving of a standing ovation.
Thursday, June 4, 2009
10 Triumphs of President Obama’s Speech in Cairo (A Response to Toby Harnden on Telegraph.co.uk posted on June 4, 2009)
10 Triumphs of President Obama’s Speech in Cairo (A Response to Toby Harnden's post on Telegraph.co.uk dated June 4, 2009)
President Barack Obama’s speech in Cairo is, without a doubt, the most powerful speech ever made by a US president to the Muslim population around the world. Never before has an American president spoken so openly and comprehensively on the need to build upon common principles between America and the muslin world. The speech was filled with hope, optimism and respect. Around the world, numerous people have expressed their praise President Obama’s words. However, the critics have also been busy picking at the speech, creating potholes where there are none. One such critic is Toby Harnden who posted his insipid critique on Telegraph.co.uk. It is to him that I now respond by citing the 10 Triumphant points contained in President Obama’s Speech in Cairo.
1. "Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail." In saying this, President Obama was not dismissing American exceptionalism (as suggested by Harnden) but rather, he was dismissing any notion that holds one race, or people, or country as superior over others. President Obama was echoing the views of every peace-loving leader in the modern world. Former Ethiopian leader, Haile Selassie, stated that “until the philosophy that holds one race superior and another inferior is finally and permanently discredited…everywhere, there [will be] war”. Former South African president, Nelson Madiba Mandela spoke along the same lines shortly after he won the Nobel peace prize: “It was during those long and lonely years that my hunger for the freedom of my own people became a hunger for the freedom of all people, white and black. I knew as well as I knew anything that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed”.
2. "I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk." By highlighting his unique background and personal story, President Obama comes across as open, sincere and engaging. But more importantly, he demonstrates the diversity of America and the power of American democracy. The fact that a man with his background and his unusual name can be elected President in a predominantly white country is irrefutable testimony of the ability of the American people to come together around common issues and to set an excellent example to the world about the beauty of democracy and inclusiveness. To suggest therefore, as Toby Harnden does, that President Obama elevates himself at America’s expense, is simply idiotic.
3. "Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.... On the other hand..." On this point, Harnden opines “Yes, Obama spoke strongly and unequivocally about the six million Jews who were exterminated in the Holocaust. But he immediately appeared to equate this with the suffering of Palestinians who have "endured the pain of dislocation...endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation...the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable". This comes dangerously close to moral equivalence”. Clearly, Harnden misconstrued President Obama’s statement to further his agenda as a critic. What the president says in full is as follows (and the actual words speak for themselves): “Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve”.
4. "The U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality." Harnden describes this as the worst passage of all from the speech. Again, Harnden misconstrues what President Obama was trying to convey and he takes the President’s words out of context. It is a fact that there are bigots in the west who may view Muslim women as unequal. That is a fact. So President Obama was not incorrect in discussing the unequal perception that some people have towards women who may cover their heads for example. In fact, President Obama went further and stressed the right of women in the Muslim world and elsewhere, to education i.e. to be accorded the same rights and freedoms as the males.
5. "I am honoured to be in the timeless city of Cairo..." In discussing this point, Harnden states “It's one thing to go to the heart of an autocracy in the Middle East and to deliver hard turths. It's quite another to describe President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt as a "force for stability" and then go to Cairo and soft pedal on human rights abuses there”.
I disagree with Harnden’s viewpoint. The fact that President Obama chose Cairo as a venue could as well have been for security reasons or it could be because he wanted a venue that has both moderate and extremist Muslims so as to drive his point home. No matter, the important thing is that President Obama reached out to the Muslim world in a Muslim city. This gesture does NOT amount to endorsing any human rights abuses that may have occurred in Cairo. Such a view is simplistic and just plain wrong. Does President Obama’s speech in Germany last year amount to endorsing the Nazis? Obviously not. Does President Obama’s speech at Arizona State University amount to endorsing the KKK groups that might be present in Arizona? Obviously not. Once again, Harnden has taken a small aspect of president Obama’s speech and built it into something that it isn’t.
6. "Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible." By highlighting the disagreements caused by the war in Iraq and the lessons that America has drawn from it, President Obama is right on point. As many in America have stated, things could have been done differently. The fact is that mistakes were made by the past administration and acknowledging that while recognizing the lessons learnt is something worth celebrating.
7. "No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point." Harnden criticizes President Obama’s speech as lacking “concrete proposals”. It is quite obvious that Harnden and other critics who share that view have missed the significance of President Obama’s speech to the Muslim world. Millions of people have hailed it as a success because it was a powerful, deeply moving and persuasive call to the Muslim population and the rest of the world to work steadily and diligently towards a more peaceful world. The speech decried the use of violence against innocent people. The speech outlined the new approach that the Obama administration has in charting the course of peace in the Middle East. All these are pretty concrete issues raised in a speech that has resonated with all manner of people around the world. To dismiss the impact and significance of this speech is a mistake.
8. "And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year."
I believe that in stating this, President Obama reiterated the views that he had expressed during his campaign. That, in its response to 9/11, America may have compromised some of its most admirable ideals. In my view, these words represent a determination to rebuild America’s position as a symbol of freedom and peace around the world. The fact of the matter is that torture is prohibited. The prohibition against torture is non-derogable. By recognizing this fact and highlighting the efforts that the current administration has made in putting an end to ‘alleged’ torture, President Obama was once again reiterating everything that is good about America. That even though the country may sometimes make mistakes, it will strive not to lose sight of the values and principles that have made it great.
9. "I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other." This was another triumphant point made by President Obama’s speech. This point does not diminish any real progress that has been made in Iraq. President Obama was simply emphasizing the importance of sovereignty for all countries. There are many countries around the world who will appreciate these words.
10. "For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat."
In making this point, President Obama was not in any way suggesting that efforts to crack down on terrorist financing will be compromised as implied by critics. There may be certain aspects of the law that are not being fairly implemented perhaps and these may need to be revisited – not to compromise the fight against money laundering or terrorist financing but to ensure that the law is applied in an effective manner that captures the bad guys without punishing the good ones. It’s really quite simple.
In conclusion, I would like to restate my view that President Obama’s speech in Cairo was an important step towards bridging the gap between America and the Muslim world. It is hoped that the speech will be viewed with an open heart and a willingness to work towards securing world peace. President Obama reminded us, as always, why America has long been considered a beacon of peace, freedom and prosperity. Its ability to help secure world peace through diplomacy and mutual respect has never been more glaring than it was when President Obama spoke to the world from Cairo. It was a speech that will inspire millions for generations to come.
President Barack Obama’s speech in Cairo is, without a doubt, the most powerful speech ever made by a US president to the Muslim population around the world. Never before has an American president spoken so openly and comprehensively on the need to build upon common principles between America and the muslin world. The speech was filled with hope, optimism and respect. Around the world, numerous people have expressed their praise President Obama’s words. However, the critics have also been busy picking at the speech, creating potholes where there are none. One such critic is Toby Harnden who posted his insipid critique on Telegraph.co.uk. It is to him that I now respond by citing the 10 Triumphant points contained in President Obama’s Speech in Cairo.
1. "Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail." In saying this, President Obama was not dismissing American exceptionalism (as suggested by Harnden) but rather, he was dismissing any notion that holds one race, or people, or country as superior over others. President Obama was echoing the views of every peace-loving leader in the modern world. Former Ethiopian leader, Haile Selassie, stated that “until the philosophy that holds one race superior and another inferior is finally and permanently discredited…everywhere, there [will be] war”. Former South African president, Nelson Madiba Mandela spoke along the same lines shortly after he won the Nobel peace prize: “It was during those long and lonely years that my hunger for the freedom of my own people became a hunger for the freedom of all people, white and black. I knew as well as I knew anything that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed”.
2. "I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk." By highlighting his unique background and personal story, President Obama comes across as open, sincere and engaging. But more importantly, he demonstrates the diversity of America and the power of American democracy. The fact that a man with his background and his unusual name can be elected President in a predominantly white country is irrefutable testimony of the ability of the American people to come together around common issues and to set an excellent example to the world about the beauty of democracy and inclusiveness. To suggest therefore, as Toby Harnden does, that President Obama elevates himself at America’s expense, is simply idiotic.
3. "Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.... On the other hand..." On this point, Harnden opines “Yes, Obama spoke strongly and unequivocally about the six million Jews who were exterminated in the Holocaust. But he immediately appeared to equate this with the suffering of Palestinians who have "endured the pain of dislocation...endure the daily humiliations - large and small - that come with occupation...the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable". This comes dangerously close to moral equivalence”. Clearly, Harnden misconstrued President Obama’s statement to further his agenda as a critic. What the president says in full is as follows (and the actual words speak for themselves): “Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve”.
4. "The U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality." Harnden describes this as the worst passage of all from the speech. Again, Harnden misconstrues what President Obama was trying to convey and he takes the President’s words out of context. It is a fact that there are bigots in the west who may view Muslim women as unequal. That is a fact. So President Obama was not incorrect in discussing the unequal perception that some people have towards women who may cover their heads for example. In fact, President Obama went further and stressed the right of women in the Muslim world and elsewhere, to education i.e. to be accorded the same rights and freedoms as the males.
5. "I am honoured to be in the timeless city of Cairo..." In discussing this point, Harnden states “It's one thing to go to the heart of an autocracy in the Middle East and to deliver hard turths. It's quite another to describe President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt as a "force for stability" and then go to Cairo and soft pedal on human rights abuses there”.
I disagree with Harnden’s viewpoint. The fact that President Obama chose Cairo as a venue could as well have been for security reasons or it could be because he wanted a venue that has both moderate and extremist Muslims so as to drive his point home. No matter, the important thing is that President Obama reached out to the Muslim world in a Muslim city. This gesture does NOT amount to endorsing any human rights abuses that may have occurred in Cairo. Such a view is simplistic and just plain wrong. Does President Obama’s speech in Germany last year amount to endorsing the Nazis? Obviously not. Does President Obama’s speech at Arizona State University amount to endorsing the KKK groups that might be present in Arizona? Obviously not. Once again, Harnden has taken a small aspect of president Obama’s speech and built it into something that it isn’t.
6. "Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible." By highlighting the disagreements caused by the war in Iraq and the lessons that America has drawn from it, President Obama is right on point. As many in America have stated, things could have been done differently. The fact is that mistakes were made by the past administration and acknowledging that while recognizing the lessons learnt is something worth celebrating.
7. "No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point." Harnden criticizes President Obama’s speech as lacking “concrete proposals”. It is quite obvious that Harnden and other critics who share that view have missed the significance of President Obama’s speech to the Muslim world. Millions of people have hailed it as a success because it was a powerful, deeply moving and persuasive call to the Muslim population and the rest of the world to work steadily and diligently towards a more peaceful world. The speech decried the use of violence against innocent people. The speech outlined the new approach that the Obama administration has in charting the course of peace in the Middle East. All these are pretty concrete issues raised in a speech that has resonated with all manner of people around the world. To dismiss the impact and significance of this speech is a mistake.
8. "And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year."
I believe that in stating this, President Obama reiterated the views that he had expressed during his campaign. That, in its response to 9/11, America may have compromised some of its most admirable ideals. In my view, these words represent a determination to rebuild America’s position as a symbol of freedom and peace around the world. The fact of the matter is that torture is prohibited. The prohibition against torture is non-derogable. By recognizing this fact and highlighting the efforts that the current administration has made in putting an end to ‘alleged’ torture, President Obama was once again reiterating everything that is good about America. That even though the country may sometimes make mistakes, it will strive not to lose sight of the values and principles that have made it great.
9. "I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other." This was another triumphant point made by President Obama’s speech. This point does not diminish any real progress that has been made in Iraq. President Obama was simply emphasizing the importance of sovereignty for all countries. There are many countries around the world who will appreciate these words.
10. "For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat."
In making this point, President Obama was not in any way suggesting that efforts to crack down on terrorist financing will be compromised as implied by critics. There may be certain aspects of the law that are not being fairly implemented perhaps and these may need to be revisited – not to compromise the fight against money laundering or terrorist financing but to ensure that the law is applied in an effective manner that captures the bad guys without punishing the good ones. It’s really quite simple.
In conclusion, I would like to restate my view that President Obama’s speech in Cairo was an important step towards bridging the gap between America and the Muslim world. It is hoped that the speech will be viewed with an open heart and a willingness to work towards securing world peace. President Obama reminded us, as always, why America has long been considered a beacon of peace, freedom and prosperity. Its ability to help secure world peace through diplomacy and mutual respect has never been more glaring than it was when President Obama spoke to the world from Cairo. It was a speech that will inspire millions for generations to come.
President Obama's Speech in Cairo, Egypt Full Text
PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: A NEW BEGINNING
Speech at Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt – June 4, 2009
Text of full speech:
Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth."
That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- () -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- () -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- () -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to re-imagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
END
Speech at Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt – June 4, 2009
Text of full speech:
Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth."
That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- () -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- () -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism. In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- () -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to re-imagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
END
Friday, April 17, 2009
President Obama MUST prosecute any alleged acts of torture
By contributing writer
I am glad that President Obama has released these memos that describe the CIA's interrogation techniques. I am surprised though that Obama was quick to reassure the interrogators that they would not be prosecuted for torture. I don't know who is advising President Obama on this issue but the fact is, if ( I repeat, IF) acts of torture were committed, they MUST be prosecuted. Under the Convention against Torture - which the US signed and ratified - the prohibition of torture is absolute and non-derogable. If the US were some African country, there is no doubt that the perpetrators would be hauled off to some international tribunal to face charges. Even though I personally believe that US officers acted honorably and within the confines of the law in their work on the war against terror, I see President Obama coming under fire for this stance from a lot of human rights groups. Releasing the memos is commendable and unprecedented but it should be accompanied by an effort on the part of the Obama administration to investigate any alleged acts of torture and have the perpertrators brought before the courts if found with a case to answer. Let the courts decide, based on the provisions of the law, whether the legal guidance from the Attorney General justified the commission of torture and/or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment if any such acts were committed.
I am glad that President Obama has released these memos that describe the CIA's interrogation techniques. I am surprised though that Obama was quick to reassure the interrogators that they would not be prosecuted for torture. I don't know who is advising President Obama on this issue but the fact is, if ( I repeat, IF) acts of torture were committed, they MUST be prosecuted. Under the Convention against Torture - which the US signed and ratified - the prohibition of torture is absolute and non-derogable. If the US were some African country, there is no doubt that the perpetrators would be hauled off to some international tribunal to face charges. Even though I personally believe that US officers acted honorably and within the confines of the law in their work on the war against terror, I see President Obama coming under fire for this stance from a lot of human rights groups. Releasing the memos is commendable and unprecedented but it should be accompanied by an effort on the part of the Obama administration to investigate any alleged acts of torture and have the perpertrators brought before the courts if found with a case to answer. Let the courts decide, based on the provisions of the law, whether the legal guidance from the Attorney General justified the commission of torture and/or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment if any such acts were committed.
Thursday, April 9, 2009
Pirates of Somalia - American Ship Highjacked
http://www.acams.org/Members/ResourceCenter/ACAMSToday/2009_January.pdf
PIRATES OF SOMALIA – Money Laundering on the High Seas
By Milimo Moyo
Original version of the article publised by ACAMs today, January/February 2009 issue, p.22
Introduction
Pirates have become an increasingly topical issue these days. While the title of this article may sound like a possible sequel to the movie, Pirates of the Caribbean, its subject-matter consists of something more sinister – the increasingly dangerous and growing threat of piracy and maritime terrorism off the coast of Somalia. The pirates of Somalia are not Johnny Depp types sailing around with fake swords and dreadlocks. Instead, they are a brazen and ruthless lot; the sheer scale of their criminal activities has turned the waters off the coast of East Africa into the most dangerous in the world. The pirates use sophisticated equipment, speedboats and weapons to hijack ships often demanding huge ransoms from which they have reportedly made millions of dollars2. Such huge sums of illicit funds inevitably have to be laundered which raises the question of whether a plausible effort to fight money laundering in Somalia is even possible. This article will examine that possibility in the context of anti-money laundering initiatives in that part of Africa. But first, it is important to briefly examine the problem of piracy in that region of the world.
Piracy and Ransom Demands
On November 17, 2008, the New York Times reported that a Saudi-owned supertanker carrying more than $100 million worth of crude oil had been seized by pirates off the coast of Kenya. The 1,080-foot ship has become the largest vessel seized to date. By November 20, 2008, the pirates had demanded a ransom of $25 million payable in 10 days. It goes without saying that this was just one more hijacking in a long list of pirate acts in the area. In September 2008, the pirates had seized a Ukrainian tanker. These are just examples of what has been a growing maritime problem for many years. Due to the vast area of the affected waters, it is impossible to effectively prevent piracy. Most ships are manned by a small and, often unarmed staff, leaving the tankers even more vulnerable to the pirates. The New York Times explains the problem:
“The piracy industry started about 10 to 15 years ago, Somali officials said, as a response to illegal fishing. Somalia’s central government imploded in 1991, casting the country into chaos. With no patrols along the shoreline, Somalia’s tuna-rich waters were soon plundered by commercial fishing fleets from around the world. Somali fishermen armed themselves and turned into vigilantes by confronting illegal fishing boats and demanding that they pay a tax”3.
For their troubles the pirates acquire millions of dollars which they use to live the high life in Somalia4. The question is why is it difficult to trace this money and prevent its laundering?
Somalia’s failed government = No Money Trail
Somalia’s central government collapsed in 19915 and this left the country wallowing in a sea of lawlessness. The country has no formal banking system and therefore no regulation of financial transactions. Against this background, it is often impossible to trace the trail of the ransom money derived from piracy. It has been stated that piracy will not be resolved until political stability has been established in Somalia. Such stability would inevitably be accompanied by economic development which would discourage the population from turning to piracy for a living. Stability would also put in place the institutions necessary to curb crime and money laundering. There are other countries in that region of Africa that have stable governments and are actively involved in preventing money laundering in their countries. Their efforts are worth articulating albeit briefly.
Anti-Money Laundering efforts in eastern and southern Africa
Somalia’s neighbor, Kenya, is part of the Eastern and Southern African Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG) whose 14-country membership is dedicated to fighting money laundering the eastern and southern part of Africa. Consequent to the Somali pirates’ latest escapade, Kenya’s foreign minister, Moses Wetangula, announced Kenya’s willingness to convene a conference to discuss ways of fighting piracy6. Such a conference would be opportune particularly in light of recent security reports that the gaps in Kenya’s anti-money laundering regime make the country vulnerable to money laundering activities by, inter alia, the pirates7.
The Somali pirates greatly rely on the hawala system of money transmission; therefore, there is need for countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia and other members of ESAAMLG to prevent or monitor the use of hawala in their jurisdictions so as to trace money derived from piracy. In its 2004-2005 Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Typologies Report, the Financial Action Task Force’s described an alternative money transfer system, like hawala, as a “financial service that accepts cash, cheques and other monetary instruments or other stores of value in one location and pays a corresponding sum in cash or other form to a beneficiary in another location by means of a communication, message or transfer or through a clearing network to which money/value transfer system belongs”8.
Such a system makes it possible for vast sums of money to be transmitted globally with little or no documentation at all. According to writers, Patrick Mayoyo and Lukas Barasa: “Investigators say this system of money transfer (hawala) not only abets piracy but also hampers investigations by countries tracking proceeds from drug-trafficking, arms-smuggling and terrorism activities”9 and piracy. Such difficulties could be overcome through a rigorous and effective anti-money laundering regime in the region.
Money Remittances
There is no doubt that money remittances are a major aspect of Somali life; remittances are a source of income for the majority of Somali people. However, Somalia’s money remittances have been known to be vulnerable to money laundering and terrorism financing. On September 23, 2001, the United States issued Executive Order 13224 which, among other things, authorized aggressive actions against the bankers of international terrorism. In particular, the order shut down Somalia’s largest money remittance company, Al Barakaat, on the grounds that the company raised “money for terror, invest it for profit, launder the proceeds of crime, and distribute terrorist money around the world to purchase the tools of global terrorism”10. The 9/11 Commission went to great lengths to distinguish money remittances from hawala: “The key difference is in how the money or value moves between the office obtaining the money from the customer and the office paying the money out to the ultimate beneficiary. In transferring value between the sending and receiving offices, a money transmitter uses the formal financial system typically relying on wire transfers or a correspondent banking relationship. A hawala …does not use a negotiable instrument or other commonly recognized method for the exchange of money”11. The report also notes that “Usama Bin Ladin and al Qaeda made significant use of hawalas to move money in the Middle East” prior to 9/11. Due to the blatant lack of formal institutions in Somalia, it is easier for money to be transmitted through the more informal hawala system; hawala is not inherently criminal but it provides for a conducive environment for criminal activity. Consequently, criminals, such as pirates, take advantage of the minimal identification requirements under hawala for easier transmission of funds and utilize the hawala system as a way to launder their funds or, possibly, finance terrorism.
Conclusion
These concerns are not lost on ESAAMLG member countries that recognize their own vulnerability to money laundering especially in view of their proximity to Somalia as well as the fact that they are largely cash-based economies. These countries are making efforts to establish comprehensive AML laws and financial intelligence units that are equipped to investigate and trace money derived from illegal activity12 including piracy. In instances where the pirates have to trade with merchants in neighboring countries, the importance of effective AML processes in the region cannot be overstated. Bulk cash smuggling, for example, is closely watched in the region. ESAAMLG countries are working hard to improve their AML regimes. They are drafting or implementing AML laws, creating or establishing Financial Intelligence Units and training their personnel to enforce money laundering prevention. With such efforts in mind, it is hoped that a conducive regional environment exists to continue the fight against piracy and, consequently, money laundering and terrorism financing. At the outset, the fight against the pirates of Somalia calls for stable government and regulatory institutions in Somalia itself. Only then will an effective regime for fighting piracy, money laundering and terrorism be possible.
PIRATES OF SOMALIA – Money Laundering on the High Seas
By Milimo Moyo
Original version of the article publised by ACAMs today, January/February 2009 issue, p.22
Introduction
Pirates have become an increasingly topical issue these days. While the title of this article may sound like a possible sequel to the movie, Pirates of the Caribbean, its subject-matter consists of something more sinister – the increasingly dangerous and growing threat of piracy and maritime terrorism off the coast of Somalia. The pirates of Somalia are not Johnny Depp types sailing around with fake swords and dreadlocks. Instead, they are a brazen and ruthless lot; the sheer scale of their criminal activities has turned the waters off the coast of East Africa into the most dangerous in the world. The pirates use sophisticated equipment, speedboats and weapons to hijack ships often demanding huge ransoms from which they have reportedly made millions of dollars2. Such huge sums of illicit funds inevitably have to be laundered which raises the question of whether a plausible effort to fight money laundering in Somalia is even possible. This article will examine that possibility in the context of anti-money laundering initiatives in that part of Africa. But first, it is important to briefly examine the problem of piracy in that region of the world.
Piracy and Ransom Demands
On November 17, 2008, the New York Times reported that a Saudi-owned supertanker carrying more than $100 million worth of crude oil had been seized by pirates off the coast of Kenya. The 1,080-foot ship has become the largest vessel seized to date. By November 20, 2008, the pirates had demanded a ransom of $25 million payable in 10 days. It goes without saying that this was just one more hijacking in a long list of pirate acts in the area. In September 2008, the pirates had seized a Ukrainian tanker. These are just examples of what has been a growing maritime problem for many years. Due to the vast area of the affected waters, it is impossible to effectively prevent piracy. Most ships are manned by a small and, often unarmed staff, leaving the tankers even more vulnerable to the pirates. The New York Times explains the problem:
“The piracy industry started about 10 to 15 years ago, Somali officials said, as a response to illegal fishing. Somalia’s central government imploded in 1991, casting the country into chaos. With no patrols along the shoreline, Somalia’s tuna-rich waters were soon plundered by commercial fishing fleets from around the world. Somali fishermen armed themselves and turned into vigilantes by confronting illegal fishing boats and demanding that they pay a tax”3.
For their troubles the pirates acquire millions of dollars which they use to live the high life in Somalia4. The question is why is it difficult to trace this money and prevent its laundering?
Somalia’s failed government = No Money Trail
Somalia’s central government collapsed in 19915 and this left the country wallowing in a sea of lawlessness. The country has no formal banking system and therefore no regulation of financial transactions. Against this background, it is often impossible to trace the trail of the ransom money derived from piracy. It has been stated that piracy will not be resolved until political stability has been established in Somalia. Such stability would inevitably be accompanied by economic development which would discourage the population from turning to piracy for a living. Stability would also put in place the institutions necessary to curb crime and money laundering. There are other countries in that region of Africa that have stable governments and are actively involved in preventing money laundering in their countries. Their efforts are worth articulating albeit briefly.
Anti-Money Laundering efforts in eastern and southern Africa
Somalia’s neighbor, Kenya, is part of the Eastern and Southern African Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG) whose 14-country membership is dedicated to fighting money laundering the eastern and southern part of Africa. Consequent to the Somali pirates’ latest escapade, Kenya’s foreign minister, Moses Wetangula, announced Kenya’s willingness to convene a conference to discuss ways of fighting piracy6. Such a conference would be opportune particularly in light of recent security reports that the gaps in Kenya’s anti-money laundering regime make the country vulnerable to money laundering activities by, inter alia, the pirates7.
The Somali pirates greatly rely on the hawala system of money transmission; therefore, there is need for countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia and other members of ESAAMLG to prevent or monitor the use of hawala in their jurisdictions so as to trace money derived from piracy. In its 2004-2005 Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing Typologies Report, the Financial Action Task Force’s described an alternative money transfer system, like hawala, as a “financial service that accepts cash, cheques and other monetary instruments or other stores of value in one location and pays a corresponding sum in cash or other form to a beneficiary in another location by means of a communication, message or transfer or through a clearing network to which money/value transfer system belongs”8.
Such a system makes it possible for vast sums of money to be transmitted globally with little or no documentation at all. According to writers, Patrick Mayoyo and Lukas Barasa: “Investigators say this system of money transfer (hawala) not only abets piracy but also hampers investigations by countries tracking proceeds from drug-trafficking, arms-smuggling and terrorism activities”9 and piracy. Such difficulties could be overcome through a rigorous and effective anti-money laundering regime in the region.
Money Remittances
There is no doubt that money remittances are a major aspect of Somali life; remittances are a source of income for the majority of Somali people. However, Somalia’s money remittances have been known to be vulnerable to money laundering and terrorism financing. On September 23, 2001, the United States issued Executive Order 13224 which, among other things, authorized aggressive actions against the bankers of international terrorism. In particular, the order shut down Somalia’s largest money remittance company, Al Barakaat, on the grounds that the company raised “money for terror, invest it for profit, launder the proceeds of crime, and distribute terrorist money around the world to purchase the tools of global terrorism”10. The 9/11 Commission went to great lengths to distinguish money remittances from hawala: “The key difference is in how the money or value moves between the office obtaining the money from the customer and the office paying the money out to the ultimate beneficiary. In transferring value between the sending and receiving offices, a money transmitter uses the formal financial system typically relying on wire transfers or a correspondent banking relationship. A hawala …does not use a negotiable instrument or other commonly recognized method for the exchange of money”11. The report also notes that “Usama Bin Ladin and al Qaeda made significant use of hawalas to move money in the Middle East” prior to 9/11. Due to the blatant lack of formal institutions in Somalia, it is easier for money to be transmitted through the more informal hawala system; hawala is not inherently criminal but it provides for a conducive environment for criminal activity. Consequently, criminals, such as pirates, take advantage of the minimal identification requirements under hawala for easier transmission of funds and utilize the hawala system as a way to launder their funds or, possibly, finance terrorism.
Conclusion
These concerns are not lost on ESAAMLG member countries that recognize their own vulnerability to money laundering especially in view of their proximity to Somalia as well as the fact that they are largely cash-based economies. These countries are making efforts to establish comprehensive AML laws and financial intelligence units that are equipped to investigate and trace money derived from illegal activity12 including piracy. In instances where the pirates have to trade with merchants in neighboring countries, the importance of effective AML processes in the region cannot be overstated. Bulk cash smuggling, for example, is closely watched in the region. ESAAMLG countries are working hard to improve their AML regimes. They are drafting or implementing AML laws, creating or establishing Financial Intelligence Units and training their personnel to enforce money laundering prevention. With such efforts in mind, it is hoped that a conducive regional environment exists to continue the fight against piracy and, consequently, money laundering and terrorism financing. At the outset, the fight against the pirates of Somalia calls for stable government and regulatory institutions in Somalia itself. Only then will an effective regime for fighting piracy, money laundering and terrorism be possible.
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